With neo-developmentalist heterodoxy relegates them to "sacrifice zones." This is the Last Database case with the Vaca Muerta basin, the mega-mining in San Juan and Catamarca, the exploitation of lithium in Jujuy, the rural towns of the interior of the Pampas, etc. The Last Database existing production or the condemnation to poverty is presented as a dichotomy. Not surprisingly, these undertakings manage to win over some local adherents in the absence of alternatives. (b) It is omitted that most of the capitals that lead to accumulation in these dynamic nuclei are not local, so that the income generated is not reproduced on that scale, but rather escapes to Last Database other territories or abroad, and feeds back the unviability of alternatives16.
Derived from the above, emphasis Last Database should be placed on the corrosive effects on democracy, which is seriously affected by the existence of powerful actors whose resources, influence and pressure capacity are maximized in local spheres. When local Last Database actors make decisions contrary to their interests, they are usually Last Database demonized or taken for naive or ignorant, in the press or in government discourse, by orthodox and neo-developmentalists17.
The violent character of many of the Last Database projects carried out for the sake of exports must be emphasized, as they disregard the rights of communities to decide on their living space. It seems that local democratic decisions are only valid when they cLast Database omply with the corporate interest or when they accept their sacrifice for the sake of a promised improvement for the country. (d) When speaking of "sacrifice", we refer, for example, to the effects on health in the population living in the territories where these productions are carried out18. That the Last Database number of people with cancer and respiratory diseases increases ostensibly or that the earth shakes does not seem to be a problem.